Immigration - It's About the Money Not the Race
More than any other issue,
illegal immigration is the reason Trump won the presidency. The anti-immigrant
vibe in the country has a lot of people whipped up into a righteous outrage, as
they see it exclusively in terms of race, and view opposition to a porous
border as racist. Racism may be a motive
to oppose immigration, but it aint the only reason. Immigration, like any other issue, implies
economic tradeoffs for the citizenry – it creates winners and losers. If enough people feel they are on the losing
side of the tradeoff, they will justifiably and quite rationally vote to curb
their losses.
There is an economist by the
name of George Borjas, himself a Cuban immigrant, that has a short and
interesting book called We Wanted Workers
that provides the data and the facts surrounding the redistributional
effects of immigration. Borjas put it
bluntly: “Devoid of all the ideological trappings and all the deliberate obfuscations,
immigration can be viewed for what it plainly is: another redistributive social
policy.” However, the redistribution in this case is from the working poor to the well off.
Whether you win or lose with
immigration largely depends upon where you sit in comparison to the dominant
immigrant group flowing into the labor market. When the immigrant influx is
dominated by low-skill workers, as the wave of illegal immigration over the
last twenty years had been, the losers from this are other low-skilled workers
who see their wages and employment opportunities depressed. The winners are the immigrants themselves,
who come here for better employment prospects, and those in the workforce whose
skill sets are such that they face no increased competition from said workers, but
benefit from lower prices for services that they can and do outsource to
low-skill labor.
Every week I have teams of
non-English speaking landscapers who manicure my lawn on the cheap, and clean
the house. Take those people out of the
labor pool, the price of these services go up, and I let the lawn and the house
go to hell, or I otherwise have to divert time away from making no money
writing pointless blog posts for free.
Come to think of it, I’m not sure that would be a bad thing. But still you get the point – it’s all at
least potential upside for the Hatcher on the consumer side. On the community side, the relative affluence
of the hood keeps the public schools largely self-segregated by income, and therefore
there is no downside of the schools being inundated with non-English speaking
kids that create resource allocation issues for the schools. Now, in private a guy like me could be a
flaming racist, but the economics make a guy like me favor the immigration status quo.
If you are a high school
dropout, you are in the opposite situation.
You compete directly against the incoming immigrants, and moreover you
live in the same neighborhoods that feed into the same schools. As a landscaper yourself, you don’t relish
the fact that now you can have your lawn mowed on the cheap, as the same is
true for all of your customers who are either beating you down on price or
dropping your service. From an economic
standpoint, it’s all downside for you.
You could be the most racially tolerant guy on the planet, but the
economics of the issue for you are such that you will fight against the
immigration status quo tooth and nail.
It is flattering for me in my community to say keep the border open (even as you need a code to get
into my neighborhood) because I am open-minded and not a racist hick. And if I am prone to pointing out the flaws
in others, I might also accuse anyone who is against the status quo as being a
racist hick. All of this appears to be
consistent with other pieces of evidence. For example, I live in an urban
region, while all of these hicks are living in rural areas where everyone talks
real slow. I went to college where the
administration carefully cultivated a diverse campus environment so that we
could all pat ourselves on the back for our high-mindedness, whereas the high
school dropouts on the farm only see black people on TV. All of the evidence points to me as
open-minded, and them as racist. But all
of the economic evidence also points to me as a clear economic beneficiary of
immigration, and to them as clear losers.
Racist or not, they have a beef.
What is startling about the
immigration debate is the lengths people go to in order to deny this underlying
economic dynamic. The laissez faire
immigration policy (or lack thereof) carries with it massive redistribution effects
on the citizenry that simply are ignored or glossed over. If the same redistribution were achieved via
a combination of tax and subsidy, it would be considered an outrage by most on
the left who are concerned with income inequality, as it amounts to a tax on
poor citizens to the benefit of well-off citizens.
What’s the bottom line on
immigration? According to Borjas, once
you factor in the increased reliance on welfare among the immigrant population,
there is no net economic benefit to the native population. However, there is a $500 billion
redistribution from the lower-skilled native workers who compete against the
dominant immigrant labor group, to the native population that faces no such
competition. If you assume this cost accrues
evenly to a quarter of the native population (approximately 75 million people),
this comes to $6,667 per person; that is no small tax. Borjas boils one’s stance on immigration down
to one question: “In the end, the choice
of an immigration policy is driven by the answer to: Who are you rooting for?”
Borjas also chronicles the
efforts to ignore, deny, or obscure this evidence by pro-immigration media
outlets (which include the Wall Street Journal – i.e., it’s not all liberal
media; any libertarian leaning or pro-business leaning media will also be in
this camp), which of course is not surprising.
In general, the people who comprise the media are not intelligent enough
to follow and discern the economic debate among professionals, and therefore if
there are professional economists who give the media the pro-immigration answer
that they seek, they run with this as settled science.
Unfortunately, there is no
lack of well-credentialed economists from reputable institutions with
publications in refereed journals that cloud the issue. Borjas makes quick and easy work of exposing
the obvious flaws in the methodologies of the studies that purport, for
example, to show that immigrant labor has had no effect on the wages of
domestic labor. One famous study that
purported to show no effect involved a look at the labor market in Miami in the
aftermath of the Mariel boat lift, when 125,000 Cubans immigrated to the Miami
area in the early 1980s, almost two-thirds of which were high school dropouts. The study looked at the wages for a broad
group of native workers, rather than at the wages of the labor
group that one would predict would be most affected by the competition with the
Cuban immigrants – that of native born high school dropouts. When Borjas revisited the issue and narrowed
the focus to the correct labor group, of course he found a profound and
negative effect on its wages.
The pro-immigration
economists, rather than being agnostic scientists going wherever the evidence
leads, are also not shy about the fact that they are hell-bent on reaching a
certain conclusion. Borjas quotes two
economists who have argued against Borjas’ analysis of the Mariel boatlift: “We think the final goal of the economic
profession should be to agree that . . . we do not find any significant
evidence of a negative wage and employment effect of the Miami boatlift.” Another economist, who looked at the issue
and was surprised to find everyone sweeping the redistributive aspects of
immigration under the rug, noticed the same: “A rabid collection of xenophobes
and racists who are hostile to immigrants lose no opportunity to argue that
migration is bad for indigenous populations. Understandably, this has triggered
a reaction: desperate not to give succor to these groups, social scientists
have strained every muscle to show that migration is good for everyone.”
1 Comments:
Ok, I am willing to read this, but Ideas Hatched really needs to consider the fact that both the internet as a whole and blogging in particular has rarely been effective as a long form medium. Maybe consider more frequent 400-600 word posts and less frequent 1500 word ones.
That being said, at least part of the liberal, libertarian, and Christian response to the cost-benefit analysis of immigration is to put at least some weight on the benefits earned by the immigrants themselves. The outcry over the refugee ban isn't that I am unhappy about losing a cheap source of lawn guys. It's that I place value on the lives of children in warzones. And I assume any good conservative would think Cuban immigrants escaping the socialist hell of Cuba would be better off here.
So, faced with $500 billion in benefits for rich Americans and $500 billion in costs to poor Americans, yes liberals shouldn't typically be happy with that trade. But faced with $500 billion in benefits to rich Americans, $500 billion in costs to poor Americans, and, say, $500 billion in benefits to the (poor) immigrants themselves, a liberal would be much more likely to take that trade, especially if they are simultaneously trying to correct the general income inequities in other ways.
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